Manohar’s image parrikar Taking a frugal dinner of ‘Tambadi Bhaji’ with rotis at a farmer’s home in rural Goa is an image that has been etched permanently in the memories of senior BJP workers, who started their public relations campaign ahead of the 2012 assembly elections. Was with the then opposition leader during
Determined to return to office and in a conscious effort to make an image change, Parrikar had launched a massive public outreach exercise, an exercise that gave the BJP an absolute majority in the 2012 elections—the first to 21 seats out of 14 seats. first time.
A decade later, time has come full circle. This is the first time that the BJP is contesting the election without Parrikar to plan its war strategies, prepare the electoral blueprint and oversee the war room.
As the Pramod Sawant-led government seeks a mandate for another term, the BJP walks into the polls with promises of good governance and rapid development. Faced with a lack of confidence, the BJP’s advantage lies in the Congress’s dwindling strength and inability to capitalize on its shortcomings.
In 2012, Parrikar put his social engineering skills into practice by fielding a large number of Catholic candidates, and the strategy worked for the BJP as all its six Catholic candidates emerged victorious in that election. Although the BJP has always been untouchable for Salsette, which has consistently been loyal to the Congress, Parrikar’s strategy of supporting independent Catholic candidates in some of these constituencies – this would later be known as Mission Salsette – led to the 2012 I had some success. “The idea worked at that time because people had faith in Parrikar.”
But the BJP faced criticism in 2017 for its inability to fulfill the promises made in the 2012 elections. Despite Parrikar, who was then Defense Minister leading the campaign from the front, resentment grew faster than expected and the Congress, as a viable alternative, became the single largest party with 17 seats.
Though the BJP had only 13 seats, the coalition’s legislators expressed confidence in supporting Parrikar and not the party to form the next government.
Parrikar’s dexterity in forming alliances and his commitment to the alliance dharma was remarkable. Since the BJP went to the polls in 2012 in alliance with the MGP, Parrikar inducted MGP legislators into his cabinet, despite his majority, to respect the alliance’s religion.
On the BJP’s domestic front, Parrikar’s departure has led to the emergence of several power centers within the party and the government. In the absence of a unified command, the central leadership of the party is closely monitoring the party affairs in the state.
Apart from overseeing the state unit, former Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis is taking personal interest to leave no stone unturned to contest the elections with BJP’s national general secretary (organisation) BL Santosh.
However, it remains to be seen how the BJP leadership comes out of the uncomfortable situation. With its “double engine” working overtime in getting winable candidates and a fragmented opposition, the BJP may find itself in an advantageous position in the post-Parrikar era.
Determined to return to office and in a conscious effort to make an image change, Parrikar had launched a massive public outreach exercise, an exercise that gave the BJP an absolute majority in the 2012 elections—the first to 21 seats out of 14 seats. first time.
A decade later, time has come full circle. This is the first time that the BJP is contesting the election without Parrikar to plan its war strategies, prepare the electoral blueprint and oversee the war room.
As the Pramod Sawant-led government seeks a mandate for another term, the BJP walks into the polls with promises of good governance and rapid development. Faced with a lack of confidence, the BJP’s advantage lies in the Congress’s dwindling strength and inability to capitalize on its shortcomings.
In 2012, Parrikar put his social engineering skills into practice by fielding a large number of Catholic candidates, and the strategy worked for the BJP as all its six Catholic candidates emerged victorious in that election. Although the BJP has always been untouchable for Salsette, which has consistently been loyal to the Congress, Parrikar’s strategy of supporting independent Catholic candidates in some of these constituencies – this would later be known as Mission Salsette – led to the 2012 I had some success. “The idea worked at that time because people had faith in Parrikar.”
But the BJP faced criticism in 2017 for its inability to fulfill the promises made in the 2012 elections. Despite Parrikar, who was then Defense Minister leading the campaign from the front, resentment grew faster than expected and the Congress, as a viable alternative, became the single largest party with 17 seats.
Though the BJP had only 13 seats, the coalition’s legislators expressed confidence in supporting Parrikar and not the party to form the next government.
Parrikar’s dexterity in forming alliances and his commitment to the alliance dharma was remarkable. Since the BJP went to the polls in 2012 in alliance with the MGP, Parrikar inducted MGP legislators into his cabinet, despite his majority, to respect the alliance’s religion.
On the BJP’s domestic front, Parrikar’s departure has led to the emergence of several power centers within the party and the government. In the absence of a unified command, the central leadership of the party is closely monitoring the party affairs in the state.
Apart from overseeing the state unit, former Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis is taking personal interest to leave no stone unturned to contest the elections with BJP’s national general secretary (organisation) BL Santosh.
However, it remains to be seen how the BJP leadership comes out of the uncomfortable situation. With its “double engine” working overtime in getting winable candidates and a fragmented opposition, the BJP may find itself in an advantageous position in the post-Parrikar era.
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